“The creation of a home market is not only necessary to procure for our agriculture a just reward of its labors, but it is indispensable to obtain a supply of our necessary wants. . . . Suppose no actual abandonment of farming, but, what is most likely, a gradual and imperceptible employment of population in the business of manufacturing, instead of being compelled to resort to agriculture. . . . Is any part of our common country likely to be injured by a transfer of the theatre of [manufacturing] for our own consumption from Europe to America?

“. . . Suppose it were even true that Great Britain had abolished all restrictions upon trade, and allowed the freest introduction of the [products] of foreign labor, would that prove it unwise for us to adopt the protecting system? The object of protection is the establishment and perfection of the [manufacturing] arts. In England it, has accomplished its purpose, fulfilled its end. . . . The adoption of the restrictive system, on the part of the United States, by excluding the [products] of foreign labor, would extend the [purchasing] of American [products], unable, in the infancy and unprotected state of the arts, to sustain a competition with foreign fabrics. Let our arts breathe under the shade of protection; let them be perfected as they are in England, and [then] we shall be ready . . . to put aside protection, and enter upon the freest exchanges.”

Henry Clay, speaker of the House of Representatives, speech in Congress, 1824

Which of the following was an interpretation of the speech by opponents of the goals Clay expressed in the excerpt?

Clay’s manufacturing plan would benefit one section of the country more than others.

“The creation of a home market is not only necessary to procure for our agriculture a just reward of its labors, but it is indispensable to obtain a supply of our necessary wants. . . . Suppose no actual abandonment of farming, but, what is most likely, a gradual and imperceptible employment of population in the business of manufacturing, instead of being compelled to resort to agriculture. . . . Is any part of our common country likely to be injured by a transfer of the theatre of [manufacturing] for our own consumption from Europe to America?

“. . . Suppose it were even true that Great Britain had abolished all restrictions upon trade, and allowed the freest introduction of the [products] of foreign labor, would that prove it unwise for us to adopt the protecting system? The object of protection is the establishment and perfection of the [manufacturing] arts. In England it, has accomplished its purpose, fulfilled its end. . . . The adoption of the restrictive system, on the part of the United States, by excluding the [products] of foreign labor, would extend the [purchasing] of American [products], unable, in the infancy and unprotected state of the arts, to sustain a competition with foreign fabrics. Let our arts breathe under the shade of protection; let them be perfected as they are in England, and [then] we shall be ready . . . to put aside protection, and enter upon the freest exchanges.”

Henry Clay, speaker of the House of Representatives, speech in Congress, 1824

Which of the following describes an interpretation of Clay’s economic principles at the time as expressed in the excerpt?

The United States should increase domestic manufacturing to promote prosperity.

“To the Commanders of armed vessels belonging to the United States:

“WHEREAS it is declared by the act entitled ‘An act for the protection of the commerce and seamen of the United States, against the Tripolitan cruisers,’ That it shall be lawful fully to equip, officer, man, and employ such of the armed vessels of the United States, as may be judged requisite by the President of the United States, for protecting effectually the commerce and seamen thereof, on the Atlantic ocean, the Mediterranean and adjoining seas: and also, that it shall be lawful for the President of the United States to instruct the commanders of the respective public vessels, to subdue, seize, and make prize, of all vessels, goods, and effects, belonging to the Bey [Sultan] of Tripoli [in North Africa], or to his subjects.

“THEREFORE, And in pursuance of the said statute, you are hereby authorized and directed to subdue, seize, and make prize, of all vessels, goods, and effects, belonging to the Bey of Tripoli, or to his subjects, and to bring or send the same into port, to be proceeded against and distributed according to law.

“By command of the President of the United States of America.”

Thomas Jefferson, 1802

The rhetorical purpose expressed in the excerpt would most likely have been interpreted as promoting which of the following?

Using international commerce to expand United States influence

“To the Commanders of armed vessels belonging to the United States:

“WHEREAS it is declared by the act entitled ‘An act for the protection of the commerce and seamen of the United States, against the Tripolitan cruisers,’ That it shall be lawful fully to equip, officer, man, and employ such of the armed vessels of the United States, as may be judged requisite by the President of the United States, for protecting effectually the commerce and seamen thereof, on the Atlantic ocean, the Mediterranean and adjoining seas: and also, that it shall be lawful for the President of the United States to instruct the commanders of the respective public vessels, to subdue, seize, and make prize, of all vessels, goods, and effects, belonging to the Bey [Sultan] of Tripoli [in North Africa], or to his subjects.

“THEREFORE, And in pursuance of the said statute, you are hereby authorized and directed to subdue, seize, and make prize, of all vessels, goods, and effects, belonging to the Bey of Tripoli, or to his subjects, and to bring or send the same into port, to be proceeded against and distributed according to law.

“By command of the President of the United States of America.”

Thomas Jefferson, 1802

The excerpt could best be used by historians studying which of the following?

The creation of the Monroe Doctrine

“To the Commanders of armed vessels belonging to the United States:

“WHEREAS it is declared by the act entitled ‘An act for the protection of the commerce and seamen of the United States, against the Tripolitan cruisers,’ That it shall be lawful fully to equip, officer, man, and employ such of the armed vessels of the United States, as may be judged requisite by the President of the United States, for protecting effectually the commerce and seamen thereof, on the Atlantic ocean, the Mediterranean and adjoining seas: and also, that it shall be lawful for the President of the United States to instruct the commanders of the respective public vessels, to subdue, seize, and make prize, of all vessels, goods, and effects, belonging to the Bey [Sultan] of Tripoli [in North Africa], or to his subjects.

“THEREFORE, And in pursuance of the said statute, you are hereby authorized and directed to subdue, seize, and make prize, of all vessels, goods, and effects, belonging to the Bey of Tripoli, or to his subjects, and to bring or send the same into port, to be proceeded against and distributed according to law.

“By command of the President of the United States of America.”

Thomas Jefferson, 1802

President Jefferson sought the protections described in the excerpt most likely for the purpose of

establishing trade routes

The rise in manufacturing beginning in the early 1800s eventually resulted in which of the following by 1848?

The emergence of a larger middle class in the North

Which of the following best explains a change in migration in United States society during the early 1800s?

The rise in manufacturing in the North coincided with an increase of immigration from abroad to these urban areas.

Which of the following explains how the growth of a market-based economy in the United States in the early 1800s most directly influenced changes in gender roles?

As home and the workplace became separated, women were increasingly expected to be responsible for housework and childcare while men took jobs outside the home.

Which of the following factors best explains the increase in White male suffrage in the early nineteenth century?

Changes to property ownership requirements

Which of the following best explains the cause of the emergence of new political parties in the early nineteenth century?

Continued debates over the proper role of the federal government

Which of the following best explains the expansion of participatory democracy in the early nineteenth century?

The extension of suffrage rights to most adult White men

“A bank of the United States is in many respects convenient for the Government and useful to the people. Entertaining this opinion, and deeply impressed with the belief that some of the powers and privileges possessed by the existing bank are unauthorized by the Constitution, subversive of the rights of the States, and dangerous to the liberties of the people, I felt it my duty at an early period of my Administration to call the attention of Congress to the practicability of organizing an institution combining all its advantages and obviating [removing] these objections. I sincerely regret that in the act before me I can perceive none of those modifications of the bank charter which are necessary, in my opinion, to make it compatible with justice, with sound policy, or with the Constitution of our country. . . .

“Experience should teach us wisdom. Most of the difficulties our Government now encounters and most of the dangers which impend over our Union have sprung from an abandonment of the legitimate objects of Government by our national legislation. . . . Many of our rich men have not been content with equal protection and equal benefits, but have besought us to make them richer by act of Congress. By attempting to gratify their desires we have in the results of our legislation arrayed section against section, interest against interest, and man against man, in a fearful commotion which threatens to shake the foundations of our Union.”

President Andrew Jackson, Veto Message Regarding the Bank of the United States, 1832

People who shared the views expressed in the excerpt most likely opposed which of the following?

The use of federal government funding for internal improvements

“A bank of the United States is in many respects convenient for the Government and useful to the people. Entertaining this opinion, and deeply impressed with the belief that some of the powers and privileges possessed by the existing bank are unauthorized by the Constitution, subversive of the rights of the States, and dangerous to the liberties of the people, I felt it my duty at an early period of my Administration to call the attention of Congress to the practicability of organizing an institution combining all its advantages and obviating [removing] these objections. I sincerely regret that in the act before me I can perceive none of those modifications of the bank charter which are necessary, in my opinion, to make it compatible with justice, with sound policy, or with the Constitution of our country. . . .

“Experience should teach us wisdom. Most of the difficulties our Government now encounters and most of the dangers which impend over our Union have sprung from an abandonment of the legitimate objects of Government by our national legislation. . . . Many of our rich men have not been content with equal protection and equal benefits, but have besought us to make them richer by act of Congress. By attempting to gratify their desires we have in the results of our legislation arrayed section against section, interest against interest, and man against man, in a fearful commotion which threatens to shake the foundations of our Union.”

President Andrew Jackson, Veto Message Regarding the Bank of the United States, 1832

Which of the following factors best supports the argument in the excerpt?

The debates over the federal government’s proper role had intensified during the early nineteenth century.

“A bank of the United States is in many respects convenient for the Government and useful to the people. Entertaining this opinion, and deeply impressed with the belief that some of the powers and privileges possessed by the existing bank are unauthorized by the Constitution, subversive of the rights of the States, and dangerous to the liberties of the people, I felt it my duty at an early period of my Administration to call the attention of Congress to the practicability of organizing an institution combining all its advantages and obviating [removing] these objections. I sincerely regret that in the act before me I can perceive none of those modifications of the bank charter which are necessary, in my opinion, to make it compatible with justice, with sound policy, or with the Constitution of our country. . . .

“Experience should teach us wisdom. Most of the difficulties our Government now encounters and most of the dangers which impend over our Union have sprung from an abandonment of the legitimate objects of Government by our national legislation. . . . Many of our rich men have not been content with equal protection and equal benefits, but have besought us to make them richer by act of Congress. By attempting to gratify their desires we have in the results of our legislation arrayed section against section, interest against interest, and man against man, in a fearful commotion which threatens to shake the foundations of our Union.”

President Andrew Jackson, Veto Message Regarding the Bank of the United States, 1832

Which of the following of Jackson’s policies undermined his position as described in the excerpt?

Using federal power to forcibly relocate American Indian groups

Which of the following most likely contributed to the emergence of the Second Great Awakening?

The cultural responses to the Enlightenment

Which of the following political changes most likely influenced the Second Great Awakening?

A participatory democracy expanded belief in the importance of the individual.

The development of the Second Great Awakening can best be linked to which of the following historical situations?

Increased geographical mobility aided travel to new regions and the sharing of ideas.

“It is not only important, but, in a degree necessary, that the people of this country, should have an American Dictionary of the English language; for, although the body of the language is the same as in England, . . . yet some differences must exist. Language is the expression of ideas; and if the people of one country cannot preserve an identity of ideas, they cannot retain an identity of language. . . . But the principal differences between the people of this country and of all others, arise from different forms of government, different laws, institutions and customs. Thus the . . . feudal system of England originated terms which formed . . . a necessary part of the language of that country; but, in the United States, many of these terms are no part of our present language,—and they cannot be, for the things which they express do not exist in this country. . . . The institutions in this country which are new and peculiar, give rise to new terms or to new applications of old terms, unknown to the people of England; which cannot be explained by them and which will not be inserted in their dictionaries, unless copied from ours. . . . No person in this country will be satisfied with the English definitions of the words congress, senate, and assembly, court, [etc.] for although these are words used in England, yet they are applied in this country to express ideas which they do not express in that country.”

Noah Webster, “Preface,” An American Dictionary of the English Language, 1828

The national identity described in the excerpt most strongly reflects the influence of which of the following?

European precedents along with an American national culture

“It is not only important, but, in a degree necessary, that the people of this country, should have an American Dictionary of the English language; for, although the body of the language is the same as in England, . . . yet some differences must exist. Language is the expression of ideas; and if the people of one country cannot preserve an identity of ideas, they cannot retain an identity of language. . . . But the principal differences between the people of this country and of all others, arise from different forms of government, different laws, institutions and customs. Thus the . . . feudal system of England originated terms which formed . . . a necessary part of the language of that country; but, in the United States, many of these terms are no part of our present language,—and they cannot be, for the things which they express do not exist in this country. . . . The institutions in this country which are new and peculiar, give rise to new terms or to new applications of old terms, unknown to the people of England; which cannot be explained by them and which will not be inserted in their dictionaries, unless copied from ours. . . . No person in this country will be satisfied with the English definitions of the words congress, senate, and assembly, court, [etc.] for although these are words used in England, yet they are applied in this country to express ideas which they do not express in that country.”

Noah Webster, “Preface,” An American Dictionary of the English Language, 1828

The historical concept of the American identity, as characterized in the excerpt, was most clearly distinguished from the identities of other nations by the

importance of liberal ideas about natural rights and liberties

“It is not only important, but, in a degree necessary, that the people of this country, should have an American Dictionary of the English language; for, although the body of the language is the same as in England, . . . yet some differences must exist. Language is the expression of ideas; and if the people of one country cannot preserve an identity of ideas, they cannot retain an identity of language. . . . But the principal differences between the people of this country and of all others, arise from different forms of government, different laws, institutions and customs. Thus the . . . feudal system of England originated terms which formed . . . a necessary part of the language of that country; but, in the United States, many of these terms are no part of our present language,—and they cannot be, for the things which they express do not exist in this country. . . . The institutions in this country which are new and peculiar, give rise to new terms or to new applications of old terms, unknown to the people of England; which cannot be explained by them and which will not be inserted in their dictionaries, unless copied from ours. . . . No person in this country will be satisfied with the English definitions of the words congress, senate, and assembly, court, [etc.] for although these are words used in England, yet they are applied in this country to express ideas which they do not express in that country.”

Noah Webster, “Preface,” An American Dictionary of the English Language, 1828

The excerpt best reflects which of the following historical situations in the early 1800s?

The emergence of a new and distinctive American culture

“The great increase of drunkenness, within the last half century, among the people of the United States, led a number of philanthropic individuals . . . to consult together, upon the duty of making more united, systematic, and extended efforts for the prevention of this evil. Its cause was at once seen to be, the use of intoxicating liquor; and its appropriate remedy, abstinence. It was also known, that the use of such liquor, as a beverage, is not only needless, but injurious to the health, the virtue, and the happiness of men. It was believed, that the facts which had been . . . collected would prove this . . . ; and that if the knowledge of them were universally disseminated it would, with the divine blessing, do much toward changing the habits of the nation. . . . [The American Temperance Society’s] object is . . . the exertion of kind moral influence . . . to effect such a change of sentiment and practice, that drunkenness and all its evils will cease.”

Introduction to a book of reports from the American Temperance Society, 1835

Which of the following evidence was used by the American Temperance Society in the excerpt to explain why people would join the temperance movement?

The use of specific studies would convince people to believe the movement’s goals.

Which of the following evidence did the American Temperance Society in the excerpt use to support its argument about the need for the temperance movement?

Alcohol consumption damaged people’s physical and emotional well-being.

“The great increase of drunkenness, within the last half century, among the people of the United States, led a number of philanthropic individuals . . . to consult together, upon the duty of making more united, systematic, and extended efforts for the prevention of this evil. Its cause was at once seen to be, the use of intoxicating liquor; and its appropriate remedy, abstinence. It was also known, that the use of such liquor, as a beverage, is not only needless, but injurious to the health, the virtue, and the happiness of men. It was believed, that the facts which had been . . . collected would prove this . . . ; and that if the knowledge of them were universally disseminated it would, with the divine blessing, do much toward changing the habits of the nation. . . . [The American Temperance Society’s] object is . . . the exertion of kind moral influence . . . to effect such a change of sentiment and practice, that drunkenness and all its evils will cease.”

Introduction to a book of reports from the American Temperance Society, 1835

The American Temperance Society used which of the following evidence in the excerpt to explain why it believed the temperance movement would be successful?

Its supporters held the moral and religious high ground.

“I do not belong, said Mr. [Calhoun], to the school which holds that aggression is to be met by concession. . . . If we concede an inch, concession would follow concession—compromise would follow compromise, until our ranks would be so broken that effectual resistance would be impossible. . . .

“. . . A large portion of the Northern States believed slavery to be a sin, and would believe it to be an obligation of conscience to abolish it if they should feel themselves in any degree responsible for its continuance. . . .

“. . . Abolition and the Union cannot coexist. As the friend of the Union, I openly proclaim it—and the sooner it is known the better. The former may now be controlled, but in a short time it will be beyond the power of man to arrest the course of events. We of the South will not, cannot, surrender our institutions. To maintain the existing relations between the two races, inhabiting that section of the Union, is indispensable to the peace and happiness of both. . . . But let me not be understood as admitting, even by implication, that the existing relations between the two races in the slaveholding States is an evil—far otherwise; I hold it to be a good, as it has thus far proved itself to be to both, and will continue to prove so if not disturbed by the fell spirit of abolition.”

Source: South Carolina senator John C. Calhoun, speech in the United States Senate, 1837.

Which of the following resulted from arguments made by Southern politicians, such as the one in the excerpt, in the years prior to the Civil War?

Slaveholders became more insistent that maintaining the slave system was essential to protecting the South and its way of life.

The ideas expressed by John C. Calhoun and others who shared his views on slavery had which of the following effects on emerging abolitionist movements in the years leading up to the Civil War?

Responses

As many people came to see slavery as part of the Southern way of life, attitudes on both sides of the slavery argument hardened so that political compromise became difficult.

Which of the following most contributed to slaveholders such as Calhoun arguing in the 1830s and 1840s that slavery should be viewed as part of the Southern way of life?

Slave rebellions in Haiti, South Carolina, and Virginia had made many leaders in the South fear that enslaved African Americans could harm them.

“Your Memorialist . . . represents to your honorable body, that he has devoted much time and attention to the subject of a railroad from Lake Michigan through the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean, and that he finds such a route practicable, the results from which would be incalculable—far beyond the imagination of man to estimate. . . .

“It would enable us, in the short space of eight days (and perhaps less) to concentrate all the forces of our vast country at any point from Maine to Oregon. . . . Such easy and rapid communication with such facilities for exchanging the different products of the different parts would bring all our immensely wide spread population together. . . .

“[W]ith a railroad to the Pacific, and thence to China by steamers, can be performed in thirty days, being now a distance of nearly seventeen thousand miles. . . Then the drills and sheetings of Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts, and other manufactures of the United States, may be transported to China in thirty days; and the teas and rich silks of China, in exchange, come back to New Orleans, to Charleston, to Washington, to Baltimore, to Philadelphia, New York, and to Boston, in thirty days more.”

Asa Whitney, merchant, “National Railroad, Connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean,” memorial to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, 1845

Sentiments of business leaders and politicians like that expressed in the excerpt most likely contributed to which of the following?

The creation of diplomatic ties with foreign nations

“Your Memorialist . . . represents to your honorable body, that he has devoted much time and attention to the subject of a railroad from Lake Michigan through the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean, and that he finds such a route practicable, the results from which would be incalculable—far beyond the imagination of man to estimate. . . .

“It would enable us, in the short space of eight days (and perhaps less) to concentrate all the forces of our vast country at any point from Maine to Oregon. . . . Such easy and rapid communication with such facilities for exchanging the different products of the different parts would bring all our immensely wide spread population together. . . .

“[W]ith a railroad to the Pacific, and thence to China by steamers, can be performed in thirty days, being now a distance of nearly seventeen thousand miles. . . Then the drills and sheetings of Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts, and other manufactures of the United States, may be transported to China in thirty days; and the teas and rich silks of China, in exchange, come back to New Orleans, to Charleston, to Washington, to Baltimore, to Philadelphia, New York, and to Boston, in thirty days more.”

Asa Whitney, merchant, “National Railroad, Connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean,” memorial to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, 1845

The excerpt best reflects which of the following developments?

Popular support for the idea of Manifest Destiny

“Your Memorialist . . . represents to your honorable body, that he has devoted much time and attention to the subject of a railroad from Lake Michigan through the Rocky Mountains to the Pacific Ocean, and that he finds such a route practicable, the results from which would be incalculable—far beyond the imagination of man to estimate. . . .

“It would enable us, in the short space of eight days (and perhaps less) to concentrate all the forces of our vast country at any point from Maine to Oregon. . . . Such easy and rapid communication with such facilities for exchanging the different products of the different parts would bring all our immensely wide spread population together. . . .

“[W]ith a railroad to the Pacific, and thence to China by steamers, can be performed in thirty days, being now a distance of nearly seventeen thousand miles. . . Then the drills and sheetings of Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts, and other manufactures of the United States, may be transported to China in thirty days; and the teas and rich silks of China, in exchange, come back to New Orleans, to Charleston, to Washington, to Baltimore, to Philadelphia, New York, and to Boston, in thirty days more.”

Asa Whitney, merchant, “National Railroad, Connecting the Atlantic and Pacific Ocean,” memorial to the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States, 1845

Which of the following most directly contributed to the request expressed in the excerpt?

The desire for international trade and access to global markets

Which of the following comparisons best describes Whitman’s and Giddings’ arguments about the Mexican-American War?

Whitman argued that the war was intended to deter bad behavior, while Giddings argued that the war represented aggression by the United States.

Based on their arguments in the excerpts, Giddings would likely agree with and Whitman would likely disagree with which of the following claims about the causes of the Mexican-American War?

The United States desired to expand slavery to Mexican territory.

Which of the following is a similarity between how Whitman and Giddings made their arguments?

Both sought to justify their positions to international observers.

“With regard to the northwestern States, to which the ordinance of 1787 was applied—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan—no one now believes that any one of those States, if they thought proper to do it, has not just as much a right to introduce slavery within her borders as Virginia has a right to maintain the existence of slavery within hers.

“Then, if in this struggle of power and empire between the two classes of states a decision of California has taken place adverse to the wishes of the southern States, it is a decision not made by the General [federal] Government; it is a decision respecting which they cannot complain to the General Government. It is a decision made by California herself, and which California had incontestably a right to make under the Constitution of the United States. . . . The question of slavery, either of its introduction or interdiction, is silent as respects the action of this [federal] Government; and if it has been decided, it has been by a different body—by a different power—by California herself, who had a right to make that decision.”

Senator Henry Clay, speech in the United States Senate, 1850

The excerpt best reflects which of the following historical situations?

Congressional leaders sought political compromise to resolve discord between the North and the South.

The position expressed by Clay in the excerpt best serves as evidence of which of the following?

The acquisition of new territories created disputes over the expansion of slavery.

“With regard to the northwestern States, to which the ordinance of 1787 was applied—Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan—no one now believes that any one of those States, if they thought proper to do it, has not just as much a right to introduce slavery within her borders as Virginia has a right to maintain the existence of slavery within hers.

“Then, if in this struggle of power and empire between the two classes of states a decision of California has taken place adverse to the wishes of the southern States, it is a decision not made by the General [federal] Government; it is a decision respecting which they cannot complain to the General Government. It is a decision made by California herself, and which California had incontestably a right to make under the Constitution of the United States. . . . The question of slavery, either of its introduction or interdiction, is silent as respects the action of this [federal] Government; and if it has been decided, it has been by a different body—by a different power—by California herself, who had a right to make that decision.”

Senator Henry Clay, speech in the United States Senate, 1850

Evidence in the excerpt best corroborates which of the following broader historical contexts?

Southern states sought more proslavery seats in the United States Congress.

“The American Republicans of the city and county of Philadelphia, who are determined to support the NATIVE [White, Protestant] AMERICANS in their Constitutional Rights of peaceably assembling to express their opinions on any question of Public Policy, and to SUSTAIN THEM AGAINST THE ASSAULTS OF ALIENS AND FOREIGNERS are requested to assemble on MONDAY AFTERNOON, May 6th, 1844 at 4 o'clock, at the corner of Master and Second street, Kensington [a section of Philadelphia], to express their indignation [anger] at the outrage on Friday evening last, which was perpetrated by the Irish Catholics.”

Text from a poster announcing a meeting of the American Republican Party, later renamed the American Party, Philadelphia, 1844

Historians could best use the excerpt as an example of which of the following?

Political responses to changing demographics in the United States

“The American Republicans of the city and county of Philadelphia, who are determined to support the NATIVE [White, Protestant] AMERICANS in their Constitutional Rights of peaceably assembling to express their opinions on any question of Public Policy, and to SUSTAIN THEM AGAINST THE ASSAULTS OF ALIENS AND FOREIGNERS are requested to assemble on MONDAY AFTERNOON, May 6th, 1844 at 4 o'clock, at the corner of Master and Second street, Kensington [a section of Philadelphia], to express their indignation [anger] at the outrage on Friday evening last, which was perpetrated by the Irish Catholics.”

Text from a poster announcing a meeting of the American Republican Party, later renamed the American Party, Philadelphia, 1844

Which of the following historical situations can best be used to explain how the excerpt would have been interpreted at the time?

The rise in immigration to the United States

“The American Republicans of the city and county of Philadelphia, who are determined to support the NATIVE [White, Protestant] AMERICANS in their Constitutional Rights of peaceably assembling to express their opinions on any question of Public Policy, and to SUSTAIN THEM AGAINST THE ASSAULTS OF ALIENS AND FOREIGNERS are requested to assemble on MONDAY AFTERNOON, May 6th, 1844 at 4 o'clock, at the corner of Master and Second street, Kensington [a section of Philadelphia], to express their indignation [anger] at the outrage on Friday evening last, which was perpetrated by the Irish Catholics.”

Text from a poster announcing a meeting of the American Republican Party, later renamed the American Party, Philadelphia, 1844

The language in the excerpt was most likely interpreted as promoting which of the following?

Nativist sentiment

Anti-immigrant nativism of the 1840s and 1850s had the most in common with which of the following earlier developments?

The passage of the Alien and Sedition Acts (1798), which limited rights for foreign-born residents

The United States Supreme Court’s decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford (1857) represented a departure from earlier practices in which of the following ways?

It held that the federal government had no power to regulate slavery in federal territories acquired after the creation of the United States.

The Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 was most similar in intent to which of the following earlier legislative initiatives?

The Missouri Compromise in 1820

“I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here in the place . . . from which sprang the institutions under which we live. . . . I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. . . . It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother land; but something in that Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all men. . . .

“Now, my friends, can this country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it can’t be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful.

“Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed and war. . . . And I may say in advance, there will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the Government. . . .

“My friends, this is a wholly unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here. . . . I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet, but I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, in the pleasure of Almighty God, die by.”

President-elect Abraham Lincoln, speaking at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, February 22, 1861

The excerpt best serves as evidence for which of the following developments?

Lincoln sought to avoid violence over the issues that divided the country.

“I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here in the place . . . from which sprang the institutions under which we live. . . . I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. . . . It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother land; but something in that Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all men. . . .

“Now, my friends, can this country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it can’t be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful.

“Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed and war. . . . And I may say in advance, there will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the Government. . . .

“My friends, this is a wholly unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here. . . . I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet, but I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, in the pleasure of Almighty God, die by.”

President-elect Abraham Lincoln, speaking at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, February 22, 1861

The excerpt most likely reflects which of the following historical situations?

States in the South had begun seceding after the presidential election.

“I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself standing here in the place . . . from which sprang the institutions under which we live. . . . I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. . . . It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother land; but something in that Declaration giving liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weights should be lifted from the shoulders of all men. . . .

“Now, my friends, can this country be saved upon that basis? If it can, I will consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it can’t be saved upon that principle, it will be truly awful.

“Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there need be no bloodshed and war. . . . And I may say in advance, there will be no blood shed unless it be forced upon the Government. . . .

“My friends, this is a wholly unprepared speech. I did not expect to be called upon to say a word when I came here. . . . I may, therefore, have said something indiscreet, but I have said nothing but what I am willing to live by, and, in the pleasure of Almighty God, die by.”

President-elect Abraham Lincoln, speaking at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, February 22, 1861

Evidence in the excerpt best corroborates which of the following?

Southern politicians would not abandon slavery, and they believed Lincoln was a threat to that system.

Source: Adapted from James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (1988).

The data in the tables indicate which of the following?

Confederate armies lost a greater proportion of its soldiers than did the Union.

Source: Adapted from James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (1988).

The data in the first table most directly indicate which of the following about the professions of soldiers in the Civil War?

The Confederacy relied more heavily on agricultural workers to fill its armies than did the Union.

Source: Adapted from James M. McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom: The Civil War Era (1988).

The data in the tables most likely indicate which of the following?

Responses

The Union had a larger and more diverse population of workers to enlist from than did the Confederacy.

Ideas expressed by Douglass in the excerpt were most likely interpreted as supporting which of the following arguments?

The war was no longer just about preserving the union of the states.

“Whether you are or are not, entitled to all the rights of citizenship in this country has long been a matter of dispute to your prejudice. By enlisting in the service of your country at this trial hour, and upholding the National Flag, you stop the mouths of [cynics] and win applause even from the iron lips of ingratitude. Enlist and you make this your country in common with all other men born in the country or out of it. . . .

He who fights the battles of America may claim America as his country—and have that claim respected. Thus in defending your country now against rebels and traitors you are defending your own liberty, honor, manhood and self-respect. . . .

. . . [H]istory shall record the names of heroes and martyrs who bravely answered the call of patriotism and Liberty—against traitors, thieves and assassins—let it not be said that in the long list of glory, composed of men of all nations—there appears the name of no colored man.”

Frederick Douglass, excerpt from an editorial, April 1863

Which of the following best explains Douglass’ point of view in the excerpt?

Shared sacrifice would help advance African American men’s claims to United States citizenship.

Douglass’ rhetoric in the excerpt was most likely interpreted as promoting which of the following?

His advocacy for African American equal rights